If Britain were to exercise these rights following an exit without a deal, any ban on its waters and what Britain claims (which could in theory encompass all of the two bays) would be considered an EU member state for Irish fishermen. In these two loughs that could actually be used to completely cut off some of the land they have fished all their lives. “Can you imagine telling the fishermen in Greencastle that they can no longer fish in front of their back door?” asks Sean O`Donoghue, head of Killybegs Fishermen` in reference to an Irish port in County Donegal, at the mouth of Lough Foyle, 800m above the water of British Magilligan Point.  2 There is a general consensus that the UK`s exit from the European Union will have a negative impact on the Irish and Northern Irish economies, as well as on cross-border trade and relations between Ireland and Northern Ireland, particularly in some sectors that are highly dependent on trade, such as agriculture and food. However, if a general agreement has still not been reached between the political parties London, Brussels, Dublin and Northern Ireland on the status of the Irish border after Brexit, it is not only because of these potentially negative socio-economic effects. This is mainly due to the fact that the current soft border system is an integral part of a very complex constitutional and institutional order, created by the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA) and ratified by two simultaneous referendums in Ireland and Northern Ireland. Therefore, it can rightly be argued that the reason the Irish border is so controversial today is because the GFA has not provided a real and consensual solution to the unwelcome question of the very status of the Irish border. Despite 20 years of peace and a 56% majority in Northern Ireland in favour of remaining in the EU, northern Ireland`s Unionist and Nationalist nationals still do not agree on what will happen to this border. In other words, if Brexit raises several problems and debates on the Irish border issue, it is not so much the consequence of Brexit itself as a symptom of the initial weaknesses of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA).
As a result, people and goods are currently crossing the border without stopping. On 17 October 2019, EU leaders and Boris Johnson agreed on a revised withdrawal agreement that replaced the backstop with a new protocol.   In essence, this project would de facto keep Northern Ireland in the EU customs union and in the internal goods market (including the introduction of EU VAT), while allowing Britain to deviate. In December 2019, Labour announced that it had received an HM Treasury Paper with the Freedom of Information Act 2000, which appears to show that the Prime Minister`s draft agreement would require certain types of two-way customs checks between Britain and Northern Ireland.  The previous text contains only four articles; It is this short text that is the legal agreement, but it contains the latter agreement in its timetables.  Technically, this proposed agreement can be distinguished as a multi-party agreement, unlike the Belfast Agreement itself.  After the UK`s total exit from the EU, the CFP will no longer apply to its waters; The United Kingdom will have exclusive control under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea of persons authorized to fish its waters.  Many British fishermen supported Brexit in order to get out of the CFP and what it considered to be an extreme preference, from fishermen from other countries who, in many cases, depend on the rich fisheries around the British Isles for species highly sought after in their markets, but despised by most British consumers.